NJ Journalism Legend Bob Comstock Dies at 93

Bergen Record reporter and editor also worked for Gov. Brendan Byrne


By David WildsteinNew Jersey Globe

Robert R. Comstock, a widely respected statehouse reporter and newspaper editor who served as a former top aide to Gov. Brendan Byrne, died on February 25.  He was 93.

He died of complications related to COVID-19, The Record reported on Sunday.

After a brief stint at the Ridgewood News, Comstock joined The Record in 1953 and was the statehouse reporter and public affairs editor until 1973, when he was named assistant editor.  His weekly column, “The Record on Politics” became a staple for the state’s political elite.

In March 1975, Comstock took a leave of absence from The Record to become Byrne’s public information director, a post now known as communications director.  He replaced Herb Wolfe, who went back to his job as assistant editor of the Trenton Times.

At the time, the first-term governor was struggling with low job approvals of around 20%.

Comstock announced in January 1977 that he would return to The Record in March as the new executive editor.  He replaced Carl Jelinghaus, who had stepped down as editor and remained the newspaper’s vice president.  Comstock added the VP title to his portfolio when Jelinghaus retired.

The revolving door attracted some criticism when The Record endorsed Byrne for re-election in 1977, although Comstock said he recused himself from those discussions and the Bergen County newspaper endorsed former state labor commissioner Joseph Hoffman against Byrne in the Democratic gubernatorial primary.

While working at The (Bergen) Record, Byrne appointed him to serve on the New Jersey Public Broadcasting Authority.

He was part of an era of New Jersey journalism giants that included Joe Katz of the Newark News, John Kolesar of the Associated Press, George Cable Wright of the New York Times, George Schick of the Trenton Times and S. Bolton Schwartz, known as Boley, who covered Trenton for the Herald News.  Comstock led the newspaper during a time when it was hugely influential and admired.

After his retirement from The Record, he served assistant director of the Rutgers University Journalism Institute and as a member of the Advisory Committee on Judicial Conduct.   He also worked at a lobbying firm headed by Alan Marcus, a prominent Bergen County Republican insider.

Bob Comstock, longtime New Jersey journalist and former editor of The Record, dies at 93

By Daniel Sforza NorthJersey.com

Robert B. Comstock - Record Executive Editor VP

Robert Ray Comstock, a fixture in the New Jersey press corps from the 1950s through the 1980s who served as Executive Editor of The Record for more than a decade, died Thursday. He was 93.

Comstock also had stints working as the press director for Gov. Brendan Byrne, as an associate professor at Rutgers University, and after leaving journalism, working in public relations.

Comstock died of complications from COVID-19.

Described by one former reporter as running The Record’s newsroom with “an iron fist and a velvet glove,” Comstock oversaw the newspaper in the pre-internet age when print was still king. His tenure at the helm of the paper covered everything from the Iran hostage crisis to President Ronald Reagan being shot to the Challenger space shuttle explosion and the Iran-Contra scandal of the late 1980s.

In North Jersey, one of the most controversial stories of the decade — the Baby M case — occurred on Comstock’s watch.

Mary Beth Whitehead was paid to serve as a surrogate mother for Elizabeth and William Stern of Tenafly who were looking to have a child. The case made national headlines and resulted in a custody battle and trial that helped to define surrogacy law. A television movie was eventually made, and several books were written about Baby M.

Comstock also ran the paper during the tenure of former New Jersey Gov. Tom Kean. Kean recalled that The Record did not endorse him for governor during his first-term campaign in 1981, but did when he ran for reelection.

“He was a first class guy,” Kean said of Comstock on Friday. “He did a tremendous job for the paper and the state. He was not a Republican, so we had some disagreements along the way. But always in friendship.

“You could disagree with him,” Kean said. “But you never lost respect for him.”

Robert Ray Comstock was born in New York City on Sept. 17, 1927 to Phyllis and Kenneth Comstock.

His mother, Phyllis Taylor, had come to the United States from Australia to tour on the the vaudeville circuit with her sister and parents. Kenneth Comstock was an insurance salesman with Mass Mutual during the depression. Robert Comstock himself had eight policies, his daughter Kate Comstock Davis said.

Comstock’s parents met at a Daughters of the British Empire tea, married and moved to Ridgewood, New Jersey, where they built a home in 1930.

Comstock began his newspaper career as a paper boy for The Ridgewood News at around age 10. He graduated from Ridgewood High School in 1945 and then enlisted in the Navy.

“As a boy growing up in a British household, Dad huddled by the radio with family, listening to the dispatches on the blitz in London, and was itching to join the fight,” Comstock Davis said. “He enlisted for a kiddie cruise before he even graduated high school, but by the time he actually served the war had ended. 

Robert B. Comstock - Record Executive Editor VP

With his naval service behind him, he returned to New Jersey, attending Rutgers University and majoring in journalism.  A highlight of his senior year was representing Rutgers in the Philip Morris on Broadway CBS radio competition where he was paired with movie star Barbara Stanwyck — even sharing a kiss.

He spent those summers acting and doing press for the Summer Stock in Corning, New York, which gave him the chance to work with other notable stars of the era, including Burt Lahr, Kim Hunter, June Havoc, Zasu Pitts and Jerry Orbach.

Back in Bergen County, he landed a job with the Ridgewood News after meeting a young woman whose father was the managing editor. About a year later, in 1954, he was hired to write for the Bergen Evening Record.

For the next 20 years, Comstock held roles including reporter, political writer, public affairs editor and assistant editor.

“He was the political editor and a damn good one as I recall,” said former Record columnist John Cichowski, who penned the Road Warrior column. “He had such insights into how politics worked. Who all the movers and shakers were. He was able to straddle those boundaries between how to present the news objectively, yet still use the solid contacts with these people.”

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North Dakota officials block wind power to save coal

A windfarm near Velva, North Dakota. Two counties in the state have enacted drastic restrictions on new wind projects in an attempt to save coal mining jobs, despite protests from landowners who’d like to rent their land to wind energy companies.Karen Bleier/AFP via Getty Images

By Dan Charles, National Public Radio

North Dakota has lots of coal. It also has strong and consistent winds. It might be the perfect spot to showcase the long-awaited “energy transition” from climate-warming fossil fuels to climate-saving renewables.

Yet that transition has hit a snag. Two counties in the state have enacted drastic restrictions on new wind projects in an attempt to save coal mining jobs, despite protests from landowners who’d like to rent their land to wind energy companies. It’s a sign of how difficult that transition can be for communities that depend on coal for jobs and tax revenue. The economic benefits of wind power, even though substantial, often flow to different people.

The dispute erupted last year when Great River Energy, a rural electric cooperative based in Minnesota, announced that it planned to sell its Coal Creek Station, north of Bismarck, ND. If no buyer showed up, the company said it would shut the plant down in 2022. A coal mine that supplies the plant with fuel also would have to close. Roughly a thousand jobs would disappear.Article continues after sponsor message

“This has been a heart-breaking decision,” said David Saggau, the company’s CEO, speaking by video to the North Dakota Lignite Council, which represents North Dakota’s mining industry. Yet Saggua told the miners that he had little choice, because the coal plant couldn’t compete with cheaper electricity from other sources, mainly natural gas.

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That step cut the company’s losses, but it also opened up an intriguing new possibility. “We realized there was an opportunity right away,” says Beth Soholt, executive director of the Clean Grid Alliance, based in Minnesota.

The opportunity lay in a high-capacity transmission line that runs all the way from Coal Creek Station to Minneapolis. Closing Coal Creek would free up that line, sweeping aside one of the key roadblocks that have slowed the growth of wind energy in North Dakota.

“It’s no secret that one of the barriers to development is a lack of transmission capacity to move the wind- or solar-produced electricity from where it’s produced to where it needs to be used,” Soholt says.

Great River Energy, in fact, wanted to build huge wind farms around Coal Creek — a combined generating capacity of 800 megawatts — to take advantage of that transmission line.

That’s when Ladd Erickson stepped in. He’s the attorney for McClean County, North Dakota, where the coal plant is located, and he launched a battle over access to that power line. “The transmission line is everything,” he says. “It’s the golden goose.”

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Bill holding utilities accountable for response to storm outages clears NJ Assembly committee

Legislation sponsored by Assembly Democrats Dan Benson, Sterley Stanley, and Carol Murphy to improve the response of public utility companies to major storms and hold them accountable cleared the Assembly Homeland Security Committee on Wednesday.

The bill is in response to the power outages following Hurricane Sandy in late October 2009 that left many residents without power until Thanksgiving, and the more recent outages following the back-to-back nor’easters that knocked out power for tens of thousands of New Jersey residents for weeks at a time. These power outages prompted the Board of Public Utilities to hold public hearings.

BPU report with power outage response recommendations

“Ratepayers have paid for reliability improvements over the last decade since Superstorm Sandy,” said Assemblyman Benson (D-Mercer / Middlesex). “This bill ensures that customers see the return on that investment in actual improved service and communications.”

The bill (A2427) , known as “The Reliability, Preparedness, and Storm Response Act,” would require the Board of Public Utilities (BPU) to develop and enforce performance benchmarks for service reliability, service disruption, service restoration, and communications for electric public utilities that distribute electricity to end users within New Jersey.

 “Extended power outages are not just inconvenient, but potentially dangerous when it impacts residents with debilitating health issues,” said Assemblyman Stanley (D-Middlesex). “The response from the public utilities to recent storms needed to be stronger. This bill will ensure that a more comprehensive approach is taken.”

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 “Having residents go without power for weeks is strenuous and further delays the recovery process,” said Murphy (D-Burlington). “This will ensure that the public utilities are well prepared to minimize the impact on residents so they can get back on their feet sooner than later.”

The bill would require every electric public utility to file an emergency response plan with the BPU that reflects the performance benchmarks established by the BPU. This plan would serve as an official plan of action for each electric public utility in the event of a widespread power outage and is to include, but not be limited to:

     * the identification of management staff responsible for electric public utility operations during an emergency;

     * an explanation of the electric public utility’s system of communication with customers during an emergency that extends beyond normal business hours and business conditions;

     * a history of contacts with customers that report or document to the electric public utility a need of essential electricity for medical reasons;

     * designation of electric public utility staff to communicate with local officials and relevant regulatory agencies;

     * provisions regarding how the electric public utility will assure the safety of its employees and contractors;

     * procedures for deploying electric public utility and mutual aid crews to work assignment areas;

     * the designation and prioritization of areas where a power outage may result in the malfunctioning of septic systems or the loss of drinkable water due to customers’ use of electric well water pumps;

     * strategies to address flooding, wind damage, and vegetation management; and

     * identification of supplies and equipment anticipated to be needed by the electric public utility during an emergency and the means of obtaining additional supplies and equipment.

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New Jersey’s push for electric vehicles is bad economic policy according to this Stockton University professor

Photo by Waldemar Brandt on Unsplash

By Michael Busler, Ph.D., public policy analyst, economics expert and a professor of finance at Stockton University.
Special to the USA TODAY Network

In yet another misguided attempt to make the Garden State “greener,” the New Jersey Department of Environmental Protection (DEP) recently proposed a regulatory rule that would ban the sale of new gasoline-powered vehicles by 2035. Constituents and consumers alike should be wary of this clumsy attempt by policymakers to plant New Jersey’s flag as the preeminent supporter of electric vehicles.

New Jersey’s move raises questions about the government meddling in the market while pushing policy agendas over consumer freedom and consumer choice. Despite $30 million in annual taxpayer subsidies through New Jersey’s Drive Green program the Garden State only has 31,000 zero emissions vehicles on the road as of June last year.

The fact is electric vehicles are too expensive for average families. Limiting consumer choice to only electric vehicles may price people out of cars altogether (perhaps a secondary goal of such a mandate) or force them to pay more money for something they don’t want. 

According to research from Quartz the average price of a new electric vehicle is significantly higher than a new gasoline powered vehicle. Families who are barely struggling to make ends meet due to the economic disruptions of COVID-19 will be unable to afford this additional expense. Alternatively, such a mandate may just push consumers to visit neighboring Pennsylvania or Delaware to purchase a gasoline powered vehicle, depriving the Garden State of tax revenues and needlessly sending thousands of car salesmen to the unemployment lines.

Further, creating scarcity in the marketplace and limiting consumer choice to fewer options rarely causes prices to become more affordable. New Jersey’s subsidy program could incentivize electric car companies to capture extra revenue by lowering prices slowly and hoping subsidies increase. Companies would in effect not only capture these subsidies but could influence them with pricing behavior. Equally concerning are the perverse incentives subsidy programs perpetuate. In January, the PSE&G approved a plan to spend over $166M on EV infrastructure over the next six years. The funding serves to rectify the state’s plan to build out charging infrastructure for EVs, which is troublesome considering that the move will likely translate into additional subsidies or EV mandates in the future.

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A new report from environmental groups re-ignites a long-standing debate over the future of solid waste incinerators

Covanta incinerator Newark NJ
The Covanta plant in Newark has operated since 1990. They take in 2,800 tons of waste from 22 municipalities in Essex County as well as New York City. The garbage is burned and then converted into energy. The company says burning trash is a better alternative to dumping garbage in a landfill that produces methane. (Karen Yi | NJ Advance Media for NJ.com)

By Michael Sol Warren | NJ Advance Media for NJ.com

Scattered across New Jersey, four looming incinerators spend day and night torching our trash.

The facilities receive tons of waste from homes and businesses each day, burn it all, then recycle the metal that’s left behind and sell the electricity generated in the process to power thousands of homes.

It’s a model that incinerator companies have held up as a cleaner alternative to simply dumping trash in methane-belching landfills. But many Garden State residents living in their shadow, often in places plagued by dirty air, have long seen incinerators as a threat to their health. Organizations advocating for these communities have for years railed against the incinerators and pushed for their closures.

Now, a newly-released catalog of pollution and violations associated with those incinerators, plus information about subsidies provided to the facilities, has opened a new chapter in the controversy.

A new report published Wednesday by a coalition of environmental groups details the scope of collective pollution from New Jersey’s four active incinerators, plus one that was retired less than two years ago.

The report also highlights millions of dollars worth of subsidies paid to the incinerators by electric customers, and questions whether such payment was legal.

The findings are presented by Earthjustice, the Vermont Law School Environmental Advocacy Clinic, the New Jersey Environmental Justice Alliance and the Newark-based Ironbound Community Corporation. The information matches much of what the groups sent in a letter to the New Jersey Department of Environmental Protection and the New Jersey Board of Public Utilities last April. That letter was first reported by Politico.

The two companies that operate New Jersey’s incinerators, Morristown-based Covanta and New Hampshire-based Wheelabrator Technologies, blasted the new report as anti-industry misinformation and defended their environmental records to NJ Advance Media.

Major sources of dirty air

The report focuses on four incinerators currently operating in the state — three facilities run by Covanta in Newark, Camden and Rahway, and another run by Wheelabrator in Gloucester County — plus the former Covanta facility in Warren County that closed in 2019.

Those five incinerators, according to the report, consistently ranked among the largest sources of air pollution in New Jersey between 2015 and 2018, when compared to all 215 facilities with major air permits in in the state — places like factories and power plants.

That pollution is compounded by the incinerators’ proximity to other major industrial facilities, leaving nearby communities to breathe air dirtied by the cumulative effects. The Newark incinerator, for example, is on the edge of the city’s Ironbound neighborhood and near to factories, tank farms, a natural gas power plant and a sewage treatment facility.

“They’re not standalone facilities that are in the middle of nowhere,” Ana Baptista, a Newark-native and professor at The New School who focuses on environmental justice, told NJ Advance Media.

“Even when they’re within their permit limits, they’re part of the problem,” she added.

The legacy of heavy pollution in these places has left residents, who are largely people of color, with higher rates of respiratory problems and at higher risk of COVID-19.

James Regan, a Covanta spokesman, said the locations of the company’s incinerators were chosen years before the company took them over.

“These facilities were sited by local governments for their use,” Regan said. “Covanta operates them as best we can with minimal environmental impact.”

Regan stressed that pollution from incinerators is dwarfed by tailpipe pollution from cars, trucks, buses and other transportation sources in the communities. The transportation sector is the state’s largest source of air pollution, according to the DEP.

But environmentalists argue it is misleading to compare a single source of pollution to the collective total of thousands of other smaller sources. They also point out that transportation pollution is predictable, and theoretically easier to address. Pollution from incinerators, however, can fluctuate based on the type of trash is being burned at a given time.

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