Solar Power Just Miles from the Arctic Circle? In Icy Nordic Climes, It’s Become the Norm

As solar prices fall and efficiency increases, countries like Finland are discovering the benefits of summertime solar.

The use of solar is increasing in Finland and other Nordic countries. Aitiopaikka, an apartment complex in Turku, sports 516 rooftop solar panels. Credit: Turku Student Village Foundation (TYS)
The use of solar is increasing in Finland and other Nordic countries. Aitiopaikka, an apartment complex in Turku, sports 516 rooftop solar panels. Credit: Turku Student Village Foundation (TYS)

Paul Hockenos reports for Inside Climate News

ULU, Finland — For years after northern Finland’s largest printing plant blanketed its facility’s eight roofs with solar panels, the curious beat a path to the extraordinary spectacle. 

There were skeptics who doubted that solar power would pay off in this northern city, just 100 miles shy of the Arctic Circle, a geography known not for its sunny climes but rather its dark, snow-bound, sub-zero winters. 

“They wanted to see what we’d done, how it worked, whether it worked,” said Juha Röning, chief technician at the Kaleva Media printing plant. In 2015, the 1,604 solar photovoltaic (PV) units made Kaleva Media’s rooftop the most powerful photovoltaic solar plant in Finland, and indeed in all of Scandinavia’s north country.

Today, Kaleva Media’s rooftop PV park is no longer a curiosity—it’s not even the largest solar producer in the city of Oulu, much less all of Finland. Across Europe’s far north, municipalities, businesses and households are increasingly taking advantage of solar power as solar cells’ efficiency increases and costs fall. 

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While Germany was experiencing its mega solar boom in the 2000s, in Nordic countries like Sweden, Iceland, Norway, Denmark and Finland the sight of a suburban home with a PV panel was an oddity. Today, although still dwarfed by Germany’s solar force, tens of thousands of buildings, from Copenhagen to the Arctic Circle,  brandish the cutting edge in solar tech.

“They wanted to see what we’d done, how it worked, whether it worked,” said Juha Röning, chief technician at the Kaleva Media printing plant. In 2015, the 1,604 solar photovoltaic (PV) units made Kaleva Media’s rooftop the most powerful photovoltaic solar plant in Finland, and indeed in all of Scandinavia’s north country.

Today, Kaleva Media’s rooftop PV park is no longer a curiosity—it’s not even the largest solar producer in the city of Oulu, much less all of Finland. Across Europe’s far north, municipalities, businesses and households are increasingly taking advantage of solar power as solar cells’ efficiency increases and costs fall. 

While Germany was experiencing its mega solar boom in the 2000s, in Nordic countries like Sweden, Iceland, Norway, Denmark and Finland the sight of a suburban home with a PV panel was an oddity. Today, although still dwarfed by Germany’s solar force, tens of thousands of buildings, from Copenhagen to the Arctic Circle,  brandish the cutting edge in solar tech.

“The technological developments in PV [cells] have driven the price way down,” said Henrik Borreby, the Nordic representative of BayWa r.e., a global renewable energy developer. “The general perception had been that the further north you go, the harder it was to make a business case, even impossible. That’s not so anymore,” he said, though he acknowledged that the further north one pushes—and the lower the domestic power price—the longer it takes to make the upfront investment in solar pay itself back. 

Europe’s Nordic countries, roughly at the latitude of Alaska, are pushing the boundaries of solar power deployment. 

They boast some of the world’s most progressive climate protection agendas, and much of the momentum behind the growth of renewables there stems from their national action plans, which are designed to meet the Paris Agreement’s goal of keeping global warming well below 2 degrees Celsius. Norway is still a major oil producer, but Finland’s new progressive government—led by the world’s youngest prime minister, 34-year-old Sanna Marin—has set ambitious decarbonization targets that would render the country of 5.5 million carbon neutral by 2035. 

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Climate deniers fight back with a Greta of their own named Naomi. Will the public buy her or her message?

How a group allied with the Trump administration is paying a German teen to question established climate science.

Naomi Seibt poses for a portrait near her home in Munster, Germany. Seibt, 19, uses YouTube to denounce “climate alarmism,” countering the arguments of young climate activist Greta Thunberg. (Sebastien Van Malleghem for The Washington Post)
Naomi Seibt poses for a portrait near her home in Munster, Germany. Seibt, 19, uses YouTube to denounce “climate alarmism,” countering the arguments of young climate activist Greta Thunberg. (Sebastien Van Malleghem for The Washington Post)

Desmond Butler and Juliet Eilperin, Washington Post 

For climate skeptics, it’s hard to compete with the youthful appeal of global phenomenon Greta Thunberg. But one U.S. think tank hopes it’s found an answer: the anti-Greta.

Naomi Seibt is a 19-year-old German who, like Greta, is blond, eloquent and European. But Naomi denounces “climate alarmism,” calls climate consciousness “a despicably anti-human ideology,” and has even deployed Greta’s now-famous “How dare you?” line to take on the mainstream German media.

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“She’s a fantastic voice for free markets and for climate realism,” said James Taylor, director of the Arthur B. Robinson Center for Climate and Environmental Policy at the Heartland Institute, an influential libertarian think tank in suburban Chicago that has the ear of the Trump administration.

In December, Heartland headlined Naomi at its forum at the UN climate conference in Madrid, where Taylor described her as “the star” of the show. Last month, Heartland hired Naomi as the young face of its campaign to question the scientific consensus that human activity is causing dangerous global warming.

“Naomi Seibt vs. Greta Thunberg: whom should we trust?” asked Heartland in a digital video. Later this week, Naomi is set to make her American debut at the Conservative Political Action Conference, or CPAC, a high-profile annual gathering just outside Washington of right-leaning activists.

Activist Greta Thunberg on how to make sure the world does not ‘give up’ the climate fight After taking a solar-powered boat from England to New York to attend the United Nations Climate Action Summit, Thunberg discussed what activists need to do. (Jhaan Elker/The Washington Post)

If imitation is the highest form of flattery, Heartland’s tactics amount to an acknowledgment that Greta has touched a nerve, especially among teens and young adults. Since launching her protest two years ago outside the Swedish parliament at age 15, Greta has sparked youth protests across the globe and in 2019 was named Time magazine’s “Person of the Year,” the youngest to ever win the honor.

The teenager has called on the nations of the world to cut their total carbon output by at least half over the next decade, saying that if they don’t, “then there will be horrible consequences.”

“I want you to panic,” she told attendees at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, last year. “I want you to feel the fear I feel every day. And then I want you to act.”

Naomi, for her part, argues that these predictions of dire consequences are exaggerated. In a video posted on Heartland’s website, she gazes into the camera and says, “I don’t want you to panic. I want you to think.”

Graham Brookie directs the Digital Forensic Research Lab, an arm of the nonprofit Atlantic Council that works to identify and expose disinformation. While the campaign “is not outright disinformation,” Brookie said in an email, it “does bear resemblance to a model we use called the 4d’s — dismiss the message, distort the facts, distract the audience, and express dismay at the whole thing.”

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Steep budget cuts left Alaska with only one operating mainline ferry. Then it broke down.

Rally-goers support Alaska’s ferry system in a demonstration at the state Capitol this month in Juneau. (Becky Bohrer/AP)
Rally-goers support Alaska’s ferry system in a demonstration at the state Capitol this month in Juneau. (Becky Bohrer/AP)

Ian Duncan reports for the Washington Post

The change in the noise coming from the Matanuska’s engines was a clue something was wrong with the ferry. A peek out the window was confirmation.

“We were creeping along,” said Adrianne Milos, one of the passengers making what should have been a three-day trip from Bellingham, Wash., home to Alaska in late January.

The crew came on loudspeakers and announced they’d be bringing the ship into Juneau at half speed.

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When they finally arrived, Milos, her husband and their cat, Squeaks, were only 70 miles from home in Haines, a small community up the Lynn Canal from Juneau. But they were effectively stranded.

A 30 percent budget cut imposed on the ferry system last year and unforeseen maintenance problems meant the Matanuska was the only mainline ferry operating on the Alaska Marine Highway System. Now it was broken down, presenting more than an inconvenience to Milos and fellow passengers: Communities already reeling from service cuts faced a month with next to no ferries at all.

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Poll says Bernie Sanders is beating Joe Biden in the Pa. primary, and the race against Trump is tight

Jonathan Tamai reports for the Philadelphia Inquirer

Bernie Sanders is beating Joe Biden in the Pa. primary, poll says, and the race against Trump is tight
TOM GRALISH / STAFF PHOTOGRAPHER

Surging Democratic front-runner Bernie Sanders is leading the party’s primary contests in Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin, a new poll finds, while President Donald Trump is running neck-and-neck with almost all of the Democratic contenders in those critical battleground states.

The poll, conducted before Sanders’ victory in the Nevada caucuses Saturday, suggests that only marginal differences separate the Democratic candidates when it comes to their strength against Trump. And it portends another general election that could be decided by a handful of votes in any one of those swing states.

The poll found Trump trailing all the Democratic candidates in Michigan, but virtually tied with each of them in Pennsylvania and Wisconsin.

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If the rest of the electoral map stays the same as in 2016, Democrats would need to win all three states to defeat Trump.

“All three states are up for grabs in 2020,” said Barry Burden, director of the University of Wisconsin-Madison’s Elections Research Center, which conducted the poll. “Trump is in a more difficult position in Michigan than the other two states, but each of the Midwest battlegrounds could be won by either party, almost regardless of who becomes the Democratic nominee.”

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Wind energy gives American farmers a new crop to sell in tough times

Elizabeth Weise reports for USA TODAY

CLOUD COUNTY, Kan. – Across this central northern county, wind turbine blades slowly slice the cold air over winter-brown fields. The 67 wind turbines of the Meridian Way Wind Farm straddle dozens of farms and ranches, following the contours of the land and the eddies of the wind above it. The turbines are tall enough that their size is hard to gauge from cars driving by.

Their impact on the surrounding landowners is less hard to measure.

“I would say the absence of financial stress has been a real game-changer for me,” said Tom Cunningham, who has three turbines on his land and declined to give his age, saying only he is “retired.” “The turbines make up for the (crop) export issues we’ve been facing.”

In an increasingly precarious time for farmers and ranchers, some who live in the nation’s wind belt, have a new commodity to sell – access to their wind. Wind turbine leases, generally 30 to 40 years long, provide the landowners with yearly income that, although small, helps make up for economic dips brought by drought, floods, tariffs and the ever-fluctuating price of the crops and livestock they produce.

Each of the landowners whose fields either host turbines or who are near enough to receive a “good neighbor” payment, can earn $3,000 to $7,000 yearly for the small area – about the size of a two-car garage – each turbine takes up.

Cunningham’s lease payments allowed him to pay off his farm equipment and other loans. The median income in Cloud County is about $44,000, according to the 2018 U.S. Census.

“Some of the farmers around here refer to the turbines as ‘their second wife.’ That’s because a lot of times, farm wives have to work in town to make ends meet,” he said.

Rural areas across the USA have long experienced population declines, slow employment growth and higher poverty rates than urban areas, according to the U.S. Department of Agriculture.

Things have been especially difficult recently. U.S. farm bankruptcy rates jumped 20% in 2019, to an eight-year high. Wisconsin saw 48 Chapter 12 filings, or family farm bankruptcies, over the 12-month period ending in September, the nation’s highest rate. Georgia, Nebraska and Kansas were next, each with 37 filings. Minnesota, California, Texas, Iowa, Pennsylvania and New York rounded out the top 10 states for farm bankruptcies.

A trade war between China and the United States, brutally low prices for commodity crops and increasingly unpredictable weather patterns have all contributed.

“Farm incomes have been down for a couple of years,” said John Newton, chief economist for the American Farm Bureau Federation.

For some, lease payments to a wind farm to put up a turbine increasingly provide a cushion against the harsh economics of farm life.

Across Kansas, wind turbine lease payments are $15 million to $20 million a year, according to the American Wind Energy Association. Nationally, it’s $250 million.

The money matters. About 180 miles south of Meridian Way is the Elk River Wind Farm. Pete Ferrell, 67, of unincorporated Butler County, said wind helped save the ranch, just as oil helped save it back in his father’s day.

“Dad allowed oil production here. There was a big drought in the 1950s. He said, ‘In all honesty, it was the money from the oil that got us through,’ ” he said.

To Ferrell, harvesting the almost constantly blowing Kansas wind is another way to make a living out of the land. Elk River’s 100 turbines sport enormous blades, each 125 feet long, that sit atop 260-foot towers.

From any distance away, they appear silent as the raw winter wind whips by. From directly underneath, their susurrations combine the sounds of flags snapping in a strong breeze and the whir of a rumbling ice cream maker. The nearby air fills with the electric motor thrum of the oil pump jacks they are interspersed with.

For Ferrell, leasing land for wind turbines is reminiscent of the side jobs and town jobs many farmers and ranchers have always needed to get by.

“I really wasn’t going to survive as a rancher without outside income, or I was going to work myself to death doing 15-hour days,” he said.

It’s that way across the Midwest, said Kerri Johannsen, energy program director with the Iowa Environmental Council. “It’s not so much about green energy at all, but economics.”

Iowa is a state that produces things from the land. She said wind is “just another crop, another opportunity to capture resources.”

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Congressional Democrats Join the Debate Over Plastics’ Booming Future

A new bill would impose a three-year moratorium on new plant construction in parts of Appalachia and the Gulf Coast.

James Bruggers

Construction at an ethene cracker plant on the Ohio River for making the building blocks of plastics. Credit: James Bruggers
Construction at an ethene cracker plant on the Ohio River for making the building blocks of plastics. Credit: James Bruggers

JAMES BRUGGERS reports for Inside Climate News

Towers and tanks rise from the banks of the Ohio River 25 miles northwest of Pittsburgh, where Shell Polymers plans to produce 1.6 million metric tons of plastic pellets annually. 

To the Trump administration, the petrochemical industry and regional economic development officials, this state-of-the-art petrochemical plant offers a glimpse of the new economy for a part of Appalachia devastated when the steel industry collapsed a generation ago.

Promoters of the Shell plant see it as the first among a number of new plastics manufacturers conveniently located amid thousands of fracking sites in the region’s Marcellus shale, a natural gas field that produces a massive amount of ethane. The gas is used in plastics production. 

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The sites would be tied together by an expanding network of natural gas wells, processing facilities, pipelines and a giant underground storage facility, potentially funded in part by $1.9 billion in Trump administration loan guarantees.

As industry and local authorities count thousands of new jobs and millions in tax revenues, battle lines have been drawn. Scientists warn of premature deaths from air pollution. Environmentalists foresee a plastics climate bomb. And now congressional Democrats have entered the fray, proposing a three-year moratorium on all new plastics plant construction nationwide, while the National Academy of Science studies the consequences of such a build-out on health and climate change. 

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